From Uhuru to Museveni, here are Africa’s highest paid Presidents (List)

The salaries drawn by African Presidents has always been a topic of discussion, as it’s claimed they are the highest paid leaders.

We always hear justifications for why they need to draw such huge amounts, even as their citizens continue to wallow in poverty.

To refresh your memory here are the top paid presidents in Africa.

1. Paul Biya


Paul is the president of Cameroon. He earns a basic salary of Sh5, 251,049.

2. King Mohammed

king mohammed

He is the current King of Morocco. He earns a basic salary of Sh4, 132 ,000.

3. Cyril Ramaphosa


Cyril is the current president of South Africa. He earns a basic salary of  Sh2,900,000.

4. Yoweri Museveni


Museveni is the current president of Uganda and earns a basic salary of Sh 1,446,200.

My ex burnt all my title deeds and I can’t forgive her even though she died

5. Abdelaziz bouteflika

abdelaziz bouteflika

Abdelaziz is the current president of Algeria and earns a basic salary of 1,446,200.

6. Uhuru Kenyatta


Uhuru is the current president of the republic of Kenya. He earns a basic salary of Sh 1,446,200 similar to the amount president Abdelaziz gets.

7. Teodoro Obiang

Teodoro Obiang

Teodoro is the current of Equatorial Guinea. He earns a basic salary of Sh 1,291,250.

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8. Hage Geingob


Hage is the current president of Namibia. He earns a basic salary of Sh 1,119,049.

9. Ikililou Dhoinine


He is the current president of Comoros. Ikililou earns a basic salary of Sh 990,027.


Why Bobi Wine represents such a big threat to Yoweri Museveni

Over the past fortnight, Uganda has been convulsed by the fallout from the arrest of opposition MP Robert Kyagulanyi – better known as Bobi Wine.

His arrest, along with others opposed to the government, led to violent street protests in the capital Kampala and other urban centres.

The current upheavals began in mid-August when President Yoweri Museveni, Bobi Wine, and other opposition MPs descended on the north-western town of Arua to campaign in a by-election.

After several hours of raucous campaigning on all sides, the president’s motorcade was attacked with stones as it left the town, allegedly by Bobi Wine’s supporters. Museveni reached his helicopter unharmed. But his security detail returned to Arua and unleashed a wave of violence against the crowds still gathered there.


Bobi Wine

In the ensuing melee Bobi Wine, five other opposition MPs, two journalists and at least 28 other people were arrested. Bobi Wine’s driver – Yasiin Kawuma – was shot dead. Over the following days, other opposition figures were also arrested.

Almost immediately after news broke of the arrests and Kawuma’s death, street protests erupted in Kampala. These initially centred on the poor neighbourhood of Kamwokya (where Bobi Wine’s studio is located) and Kyadondo East (his constituency), but quickly spread. The unrest worsened as news emerged that Bobi Wine and the other arrested MPs had been badly mistreated in custody. When he finally appeared in court 10 days later he could barely walk.

The growing protests drew a sharp response from the security services. The violence left dozens of people hospitalised, and at least two dead. Journalists writing about the affair have been threatened.

The arrest and intimidation of opposition figures isn’t new in Museveni’s Uganda. Even so, the speed and severity of the security forces’ response was shocking. Their initial reaction was bad enough. But the subsequent escalation and the treason case against Bobi Wine suggests there’s more to the story than trigger happy soldiers.

And there is. Bobi Wine has been released on bail. This may draw a line under recent events — for now. But Museveni’s problems have only just begun, and run deep. He’s facing an increasingly agitated younger voter base, an erosion of the National Resistance Movement’s political model, and the growing prominence of social media in Uganda’s political life. All these factors will only grow over time.

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Changing voter profile

In its first two decades of rule, the National Resistance Movement effectively operated as a single party under the “movement system”: all candidates were forced to stand as individuals rather than members of national political parties.

This legacy endures. The “individual” culture of local politics has continued since the National Resistance Movement became a political party in 2005. Its key constituents are rural voters who engage in politics mainly on local issues. They are also old enough to remember the horrific civil war that preceded Museveni’s tenure.

To these voters removing the president from power is a perilous, even traumatic idea. Ethnographic research we carried out in southern Uganda during the 2016 presidential election campaigns confirms this. It shows that most of Museveni’s voters aren’t simply coerced or bought off – they don’t want him replaced.

There is little reason to think that the old system is collapsing. Rather the problem for Museveni is that the number of those whose interests and identities it does not cater for is increasing.

This group includes younger voters. They have no memory of the war, have a relatively good education that has led them to want more than the agricultural livelihood of their parents, and stubbornly engage with politics on a national rather than local scale.

They’re not interested in replacing a local MP. They want a new president.

bobi wine after arrest

These voters have never been a key constituency for Museveni. Previously their political threat could be dismissed – there weren’t many of them, they were organisationally weak and concentrated in a few urban centres.

But the ground is shifting under the National Resistance Movement’s feet.

Young voters are now scattered across the country, including in the towns of Museveni’s rural southern heartland. The advent of social media makes it easier for them to network and communicate with each other. They can also get around more easily.

Most significantly, their numbers are rising fast. Uganda has one of the youngest populations in the world. Just over 48% of its population is 14 years and younger while one in five (21.16%) of the total population are aged between 15 and 24. Only 2% of the population is 65 years or older.

So the 36-year-old Bobi Wine is not a threat because he is saying something that no opposition leader has said before. It’s because he has, with considerable skill, positioned himself as a champion of this growing demographic.

Ugandan MP Bobi Wine arrested at airport on way to US for medical treatment


Building a movement

Museveni likes to portray his opponents as either divisive tribalists or young hooligans – and worse. Bobi Wine is none of these, as proved by the erudite public letters he traded with Museveni after his 2017 election. He has built a wide platform defined by youth more than ethnicity, class, region or religion.

And, critically, a string of recent by-elections across the country (including Arua) have shown that this brand transcends his local constituency.

It’s no coincidence that Bobi Wine’s most recent run-in with the law actually happened five weeks earlier during a protest in Kampala against Uganda’s controversial new “social media tax” (during which the authorities accused him of inciting a riot).

In the period leading up to the Arua by-election Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, and WhatsApp all saw a marked uptick in posts about Bobi Wine and his emerging constituency.

Justice prevails as Ugandan artiste cum politician Bobi Wine is released

Social media has also played a central role after Arua. Images of Bobi Wine and the other opposition MPs’ alleged mistreatment in custody were circulated widely, exacerbating the popular unrest.

News of the general tumult also spread via social media to the Ugandan diaspora, resulting in rallies being held in Berlin, London, Washington DC, and elsewhere.

It was once possible to discuss opposition to Museveni in regional and ethnic terms. But, increasingly, opposition is a generational story. Whether the enduring face of this new politics is Bobi Wine or someone else, Ugandan politics is clearly changing.

Courtesy:The Star

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I didn’t know Cranes was Uganda’s national team – Museveni

President Museveni stunned residents of Wakiso District at the weekend when he said he thought the national football team, the Uganda Cranes, was a mere club.

“I did not know that Uganda Cranes was the national team. I thought it was a club but they explained to me that other football clubs feed the Uganda Cranes with players and it is the national team,” Mr Museveni said sending the crowd into laughter.

The president, who told residents that he has a lot of passion for sports, said his participation had been limited by the instability in the country. “I was a sportsman years ago. I used to love to play football but since 1966, I have been concentrating on war, war, war. I have now started going back to sports because of the (prevailing) peace,” Mr Museveni said.

Courtesy Daily Monitor

Yoweri Museveni Releases New Campaign Tune

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has recorded a campaign song ahead of elections next year, following up on his past efforts at rap with a tune about long life, music and lifestock.

The pop-folk song is titled “Yengoma”, loosely meaning “the drum”, a traditional symbol of power in Uganda, which Museveni has led since 1986.

The Daily Monitor newspaper said the lyrics dealt with “cattle keeping, musical instruments, and longevity,” some of the recurring themes in Museveni’s speeches.

“That is his song, the voice is his,” Museveni’s press secretary Tamale Mirundi confirmed to AFP Thursday. “The president uses many forms to relay messages he considers important, music and proverbs being part of that.”

The 70-year-old president already enjoyed modest musical success in the run-up to the last election in 2011, with the rap song “Mpenkoni”, loosely meaning “give me a walking stick”.

While some Ugandans have already downloaded his latest tune as mobile phone ring tones, others were critical.

The Monitor was scathing of the song, describing it as “more of a rendition of a nursery rhyme than an original composition.”

But it also said that “the fact Yengoma is sung by a sitting president, during an electoral season, will turn it into an overnight hit.”

The presidential election is expected in February or March 2015.

Museveni has already been given the green light to represent the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) by the party’s top body, but ex-prime minister and party veteran Amama Mbabazi, 66, wants to challenge him.

Kizza Besigye, a leader of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change party and former personal doctor to Museveni who has made three unsuccessful bids for president, is also planning to run again.

Both Mbabazi and Besigye were arrested briefly earlier this month for planning campaign rallies without official permission.

Photo Credits : AFP

What did President Museveni tell the Pope when they met in Rome?

President Yoweri Museveni met Pope Francis on Monday, accompanied by the First Lady and Minister for Karamoja Affairs, Janet Museveni and ministers, among others.

The President also toured a number of historical sites in Rome and the Vatican.

“Pope Francis has expressed willingness to visit Uganda at the 50th anniversary of the canonization Uganda Catholic Martyrs at Namugongo,” President Museveni tweeted.

The President also gave the Pontiff a copy of `Sowing the Mustard Seed’ book and a portrait of Crested Crane, Uganda’s symbol.

A statement by the Holy See Press Office called the discussions cordial, and said they focused on certain aspects of life in Uganda, and highlighted the good relations existing between the Holy See and the Republic of Uganda, with particular reference to the fundamental contribution of the Catholic Church and her collaboration with institutions in the educational, social and health-care sectors.


Don’t shake hands, Museveni urges over Maburg fears

PRESIDENT Yoweri Museveni has called on Ugandans to stop shaking hands as the country works to contain the Ebola-like Marburg virus, which has killed one person.

“If I don’t shake your hand, please don’t think I’m impolite, we must stop,” Museveni told a national breakfast prayer meeting in the capital Kampala.

“To control Ebola and Marburg, be open and say you can’t shake hands.”

Three Ugandans are being monitored in medical isolation in case they have contracted the Marburg virus, health officials said Tuesday, after the death of a hospital worker from the virus was announced on Sunday.

Two are being held in the national isolation centre in Entebbe, outside the capital Kampala, while the third, a seven-year-old boy, is in an isolation ward at Mpigi, some 35 kilometres (20 miles) southwest of the city.

The medical technician, aged 30, died in Mengo Hospital where he worked on September 28, 11 days after falling ill, the authorities said.

So far, 99 people he had been in contact with have been monitored, but with no other confirmed cases.